The Impact of Place

Elite Institutions

In all, 7% (n. 18) of respondents were from elite institutions. Among these respondents, there was an even gender mix, but there were fewer ethnic minority respondents and only one respondent reported having a disability. While not universal, respondents tended to exhibit more of an abandoned habitus, i.e. they typically tried to assimilate into the elite culture. An example of this is from Bryan, a Research Fellow in History who said ‘I’ve learned to adapt my behaviour and speech and I’ve toned down my accent, and I’ve become more cautious about what I say in front of colleagues’. Bryan’s self-censorship and restraint suggested a conscious effort to modify his identity so that he could adopt the values, beliefs, and practices of the elite institution.

Respondents reported having both the traditional and non-traditional pathway:

I had a traditional route, I went to school, went to sixth form, was good in a couple of things, physics in particular. Applied to university, to [elite institution] got in, one of 1500 in that sixth form. I’m from Middlesborough…Only one person got into Oxford or Cambridge that year, which was me. So, I went to [elite institution] and studied natural sciences. I always thought I would want to aim for academia. Even from a child, quite young. My mum was a schoolteacher and she taught chemistry. My mum had been to university…so, that means I’m not first generation in that sense, but my dad hadn’t and no one else in my family had, as far as I know. [Eric, Post-doctoral Research Assistant – Psychics, at an elite institution]

My girlfriend in sixth form came from a very middle class family, and she said she was going to do this [her degree], so I’m going to do it. So, I did it without any real plan for what I was going to do and then had a bit of a panic. I ended up working as a teaching assistant for a year and then did my undergrad at Cambridge, which was a weird experience. I mean, we can talk about that as we go on, but lots of cultural dissonance, lots of feelings of displacement and to have habitus and alienation from both through both my cultural origin and from [elite institution] itself, and not really fitting in was a dislocation. [Fred, a PhD Student in Education at an elite institution]

The two narratives offer insights into the academic journeys of WCAs at elite institutions. Eric’s academic trajectory is, in comparison to many of my WCAs, more linear and conventional. Eric’s mother’s profession as a schoolteacher is likely to have played a role in shaping his aspirations for academia as research demonstrates that educated mothers often pass their cognitive ability and financial resources on to their children (Vegard et al., 2021), but also an educational know-how which can help bolster their children’s educational status. Eric’s mention of being the only one from his area to get into an elite institution emphasised his exceptional achievement and possibly the challenges he faced in his community. Whereas Fred’s narrative shows a more complex and non-traditional path to academia. For instance, he refers to there being a sense of ‘displacement’, which is more typical for WCAs. Fred’s experience was also marked by his struggles to ‘fit’ with the culture of the university, and challenges in navigating the elite institution.

There was one theme found in the data regarding WCAs at elite institutions.

Russell Group Institutions

In all, 20% (n. 50) of respondents were from Russell Group institutions. There were slightly more female respondents and a minor increase in ethnic minority respondents and WCAs with disabilities compared to respondents at elite institutions. Most respondents at Russell Group institutions, such as Layla, a PhD Student in Sociology, experienced a cleft habitus, described in Chapter Two, in various ways by Friedman (2016), Cruz (2021), and Lubrano (2005):

Me going into academia doesn’t change the fact that my family still (try to) live on Universal Credit, and that I don’t have access to the kinds of material and cultural support that many (most, even) of my peers do. It’s a difficult question because when I think about whether I am working class in an academic context, I feel no hesitation – I absolutely am! But when I’m home with my family, I feel different – I have access to cultural and material opportunities that they don’t, like travelling abroad for conference paid for by my funders. So I don’t not feel working class there, I just feel differently about it. But in academic contexts, there is no hesitation: absolutely!

Layla’s quotation highlights a dual identity, akin to what Lubrano (2005) described as feeling torn between their working-class roots and their academic roles within universities. She, like other respondents at Russell Group universities, recognised that her academic achievements had created a degree of separation from her family’s circumstances. At times these were emotional interviews as respondents reflected upon the social distance from their families, prompting them to question whether academia was a worthwhile pursuit amidst the ‘loss’ of family ties.

The data from respondents at Russell Group institutions highlighted two themes.

Post-1992 Institutions

In all, 16% of respondents (n. 40) were from post-1992 institutions. Respondents from these institutions demonstrated the greatest diversity in respondents in terms of representation of ethnicity and disability. Although my data did not fully support Binns (2019) finding that WCAs hesitated to leave their current institution and pursue positions at more prestigious establishments, it is relevant that my WCAs at post-1992 institutions were more likely to exhibit a chameleon habitus. This implies they shifted seamlessly, i.e. where they shifted between their working class and academic identities, embracing both without feeling the need to ‘assimilate’. While acknowledging that I lacked comprehensive details about their day-to-day lives, it seemed that respondents at these institutions were the most content among those surveyed. For instance, their chameleon habitus meant that they valued academia but were also able to stay ‘true’ to their authentic selves.

I’ve never pretended to be someone else. My working class heritage is obvious, but so is how much I enjoy the job. I’m very grateful to have my academic pursuits, but also, I’m still ‘me’. You mentioned the typical academic before. Well, that’s not me, but I’m still a great academic. [Dominic, a Senior Lecturer in Education at a post-1992 institution]

This finding, regarding the habitus of WCAs at post-1992 institutions, may be attributed to these universities typically having a more diverse student body (Waller et al., 2015). Such diversity means that post-1992 universities might have less rigid academic traditions, leading to a more flexible environment where WCAs may not feel they have to conform to a particular academic ideal. Exemplified by Dominic’s embrace of both his heritage and academic identity, respondents from these institutions demonstrated a heightened awareness of the challenges faced by first-generation students, compared to those from other university types.

The data from respondents at post-1992 institutions highlighted one key theme.

Universities Abroad

While I did not intentionally seek out respondents working abroad, these WCAs academics provided compelling insights into navigating classed experiences within international academic institutions. I felt that their inclusion may inspire other researchers to conduct research in this arena. Sang and Calvard’s (2019) qualitative research conducted with 30 academics at various stages of their careers in both Australia and New Zealand found that academic migration tends to reflect the privileges of white, Anglo-Saxon male academics and to perpetuate gendered and racialised hierarchies. Although this literature doesn’t explicitly addresses WCAs, it highlights the common experience of precarious academics who are frequently compelled to transition from one short-term contract to another – a challenge that WCAs might find particularly difficult. In all, 2% (n. 5) of my respondents talked of working in universities outside of the UK. Among the WCAs working abroad, there were slightly more females, a good mix of different ethnicities and representation of disabilities. This extract from Reuben, an Assistant Professor⁸ at an elite university in Asia⁹ interview, discussed some of the difficulties he encountered:

My situation is somewhat complex. Because I am employed in [country in the continent of Asia], I feel that many of the markers of class evaporated in the face of ethnicity – i.e., I am seen as white and foreign, which seems to erase my class. However, whenever I interact with academics from other institutions (e.g., by email or Zoom), I become conscious of my working-class background. For example, many of the middle-class academics I talk to appear to have an inherent confidence and are able to phrase things in ways that I just cannot and, to be honest, would not, as it just comes off as artificial and contrived. However, I often come away from conversations feeling second rate, despite the fact that I have published a lot of research. I feel this tension between wanting to be authentic (i.e., say things how I want to say them) and wanting to be recognised as a “real” academic. This translates into me writing in a way that is alien to me. Really, writing academically is like speaking another language! I am currently on a 3-year contract, so precarity always lurks in the background.

Reuban’s narrative revealed significant tensions. While working abroad, his identity as a (privileged) white foreigner typically took precedence over his working-class background. However, when engaging with Western academics abroad, his class consciousness would then remerge. These academics often perceived these challenges as their personal shortcomings (Mallman, 2017, p. 235), failing to recognise the systemic disadvantages they faced. Reuben, for instance, revealed how precarity exacerbated these tensions as with his livelihood being uncertain, he felt the need to suppress his working-class identity and adhere to more typical academic norms.

Violet, a Postdoctoral Fellow in Sociology at a private European university (which she described as being quite prestigious), echoed the sentiments of many WCAs in the UK. She expressed common experiences of not fitting in, having imposter syndrome, and the fear of being exposed as someone who doesn’t truly belong in academia.

I feel that I don’t fit…I feel an impostor and have this kind of fear that eventually someone will notice it and my academic life will end.

Despite her negative experiences in academia, Violet’s interview exuded an inspiring spirit of defiance. Her account of working with marginalised young people revealed a newfound sense of rebellion against the challenges she had faced:

I have felt so comfortable working with these young people that it reminded me why I do research. They don’t see themselves as being disaffected, they are confident in their abilities. It made me think about my own identity. I do not want to pretend to be someone else. I’m rebelling by being me. We need to change…and focus on our assets.

This transition from an outsider status to championing her classed heritage as an asset was a powerful testament to the resilience and potential of WCAs, demonstrating the wealth that WCAs contribute to the academic community. This will be expanded on in more detail in Chapter Six where I discuss the cultural wealth that my respondents possessed. Overall, the experiences of WCAs working in universities abroad were shaped by a combination of personal factors, the specific host country’s culture and policies, and the dynamics of the academic institution. Building a strong support system and embracing the opportunities of an international academic career could potentially help WCAs navigate and thrive in this context.

Social Sciences

According to the Becher–Biglan typology, the Social Sciences are included in the ‘soft pure’ disciplinary group. Coughlan and Perryman (2011) describe the Social Sciences as a discipline that considers the ‘whole’ or entirety of a subject matter. The Becher–Biglan typology suggests that there is an inclination towards qualitative research methods in this discipline, emphasising the quality and nature of phenomena rather than quantitative aspects. In terms of UK Sociology, a 2010 International Benchmarking Review of UK Sociology asserted that ‘British Sociology remains weak in quantitative methods’ (Byrne, 2012, p. 13). This has inspired a number of initiatives aimed at improving the inclusion of quantitative data within the discipline, of which the Q-step programme is the most recent (Hampton, 2018). However, Williams et al. (2019) argued that despite possessing world-class large-scale datasets and being at the forefront of methodological development, UK sociology has never been a quantitative discipline. With the exception of Psychology and Economics, UK Social Science disciplines have historically been marked by humanist approaches rather than quantitative ones from their inception (p. 337). The Becher–Biglan typology states that scholarly inquiry in the Social Sciences is often carried out independently, without extensive collaboration. This is likely to have developed since the typology was produced as researchers in all disciplines are being pushed to collaborate. However, Lewis (2017) suggested that Social Scientists may not embrace collaboration in greater numbers because of the value they place on their autonomy or freedom to pursue their own ideas.

Within the academic discipline of Social Sciences, scholars share a set of dispositions, values, and attitudes that shape the diverse field. Encompassing subjects such as Sociology, Psychology, Anthropology, Economics, and Political Science. The Social Sciences prioritise empirical research to investigate social phenomena, emphasising evidence-based approaches, rigorous data analysis and practical application of research findings to bridge theory and practice (Bryman, 2016). Interdisciplinary collaboration is a hallmark of the Social Sciences, reflecting their deep interest in understanding and exploring the complexities of society (Serpa et al., 2017). The habitus of the Social Sciences may be characterised by a commitment to addressing inequality, discrimination, and disparities through research and advocacy, something which can potentially attract WCAs who may be passionate about understanding and addressing these societal disparities (Gamoran, 2021; Staines et al., 2023). As scholars in this field have to navigate hierarchical power structures, this too can shape their interpretations and contributions to research and teaching. While varying by subject, this multifaceted habitus defines the dynamic and evolving nature of Social Sciences.

Almost one in five (n. 46) of respondents reported that they were within the Social Sciences. Of all the subject areas, respondents in the Social Sciences exhibited the strongest sense of belonging within their subject discipline. Echoing the sentiments of respondents in Grimes and Morris (1997), who described ‘feeling at home in Sociology’ (p. 144), my WCA respondents expressed positive views about the subject due to its alignment with their values and interests.

Sociology stands for positive social change within communities. [Matt, a Lecturer in Sociology at a Russell Group institution]

Sociology represents values such as social justice. [Amelia, a Senior Lecturer in Social Sciences at a Russell Group institution]

However, respondents did note that navigating the complex landscape of the Social Sciences could be difficult. As Kayden, an Assistant Lecturer in Sociology at a traditional institution noted, interdisciplinary collaborations presented difficulties for WCAs such as himself due to his limited access to academic networks, crucial for forming collaborations. Developing effective communication skills, another integral component, could also be challenging for my respondents because at times they had not had the same opportunities (as their advantaged peers) for public speaking or academic writing, and, as such, may feel less prepared (Grimes & Morris, 1997, p. 143) for an academic career. These challenges show the need for tailored mentoring and workshops to help WCAs overcome barriers. Such targeted support initiatives also signal universities are invested in WCA success and dismantling obstacles to them accessing and thriving in academia.

Education

According to the Becher–Biglan typology, Education is included in the ‘soft applied’ disciplinary group. This is described by Coughlan and Perryman (2011) as follows:

‘Dependent on Soft Pure knowledge, being concerned with the enhancement of professional practice and aiming to yield protocols and procedures’. In common with Hard Applied disciplines, Soft Applied disciplines also feature ‘multiple influences and interactions on both their teaching and research activity’. (p. 406)

The academic discipline of Education has been characterised by epistemological weaknesses, often attributed to a deficiency in ‘the consensus and coherence observed in some of the more established disciplines’ (Furlong, 2013, p. 2). This critique, while offering valuable insights, fails to acknowledge the interdisciplinary nature of education. Education draws upon the theoretical foundations of soft pure disciplines like Social Sciences and Arts, while also incorporating the practical applications of hard applied disciplines like Technology. This duality is evident in the emergence of digital classrooms (Haleem et al., 2022). Academics in the applied disciplines were more likely to engage in publicly engaged research and creative activities, teaching and learning initiatives, and service-oriented practices (Doberneck & Schweitzer, 2017).

Education, as a subject discipline, aims to establish practical and applicable guidelines, which resonate with the practical and applied orientation often attributed to the WCA habitus. However, before embracing these notions of a WCA habitus without empirical evidence, a comprehensive mapping of WCAs and their academic affiliations is vital.

The field of Education encompasses a shared set of values and attitudes among scholars and practitioners. It is diverse and interdisciplinary, spanning subdisciplines like Childhood Studies, Higher Education as well as career and vocational education.

The discipline consists of typical quantitative and qualitative methodologies, alongside objective analyses and action research. The field encompasses perspectives from teachers, researchers, administrators, and/or policymakers. This diversity is further enriched by the individual backgrounds and values within the educational domain. The field exhibits a tendency to shift its focus intermittently, turning to Psychology on some occasions, and exploring Anthropology, Sociology, Cultural Studies at other times (Yates, 2004). While there may be variations within each subfield, professionals tend to adopt student-centred approaches and value diverse learning styles (General Teaching Council for Northern Ireland, 2019). Academics in the field of Education engage in research and scholarship to advance knowledge in areas such as educational theory, policy, and practice and may value evidence-based decision-making. Diversity, equity, and inclusion are central to the field, as are attempts to address educational disparities (Machost & Stains, 2023), which means it’s an attractive discipline for WCAs who may have faced difficulties in their education.

In all, 10% (n. 26) of respondents were in the field of Education. Similar to Ardoin and martinez (2019), my respondents were more likely to cite a desire to ‘foster inclusivity in education’ [Margaret, a Lecturer in Education at a Russell Group institution] as their primary motivation for entering this academic field. In this spirit, five respondents emphasised the unique perspective they brought to the Education field, a lived experience that empowered them to provide a ‘reality check to self proclaimed experts’ [Natalie, a PhD Student in Education at a post-1992 institution]. Respondents implied that ‘experts’ may not have a true understanding of the challenges faced by people who had experienced disadvantage, suggesting that these ‘expert’ opinions might stem from assumptions or stereotypes rather than real world experiences. Financial barriers in pursuing professional development courses and certifications were also cited by other respondents (n. 3). Additionally, Ellis, a Senior Lecturer in Post-compulsory Education at a post-1992 institution, and two others highlighted the difficulties they experienced in accessing research funding for educational research, a finding that extended beyond those specifically teaching or researching in the field of Education. Mirroring a report by Gladstone et al. (2022), my research revealed WCAs facing funding gaps, citing a lack of networks and biases against less prestigious institutions and WCAs. Targeted interventions to build networks, skills, and address biases could enable WCAs to attain research funding parity.

Geography

Like the Social Sciences, under the Becher–Biglan typology, Geography is included in the ‘soft pure’ disciplinary group. Coughlan and Perryman (2011) describe this as having a holistic approach, a nuanced and detailed exploration of subject matter, with what is often seen as a qualitative bias. Unlike the hard pure fields, there is a continuous relevance and application of knowledge. Scholars in these disciplines often work independently with distinct areas of focus. Geography is a multifaceted discipline that explores the spatial dimensions of our world. Geographers study the Earth’s physical environment, including landforms, climate, and ecosystems, while human geography delves into the social, cultural, and economic aspects of our planet (Gough, 2023). Geography, as a discipline that captures the richness of our diverse world, should be one that inherently embraces diversity by cultivating a nuanced understanding of the world and its role within it (Milner et al., 2021). Geography is also highly interdisciplinary, drawing insights from areas like Environmental Science, Sociology, and Economics (Hill et al., 2018). Moreover, Geography’s emphasis on spatial relationships and its commitment to training professionals aligns with the ethos of inclusivity, allowing individuals from various backgrounds, including WCAs, to engage in meaningful research and contribute to decision-making processes. Geographers often work in academia, government agencies, urban planning, environmental consulting, and other sectors where spatial analysis and problem-solving skills are highly valued.

This dynamic field continues to evolve, reflecting the ever-changing global landscape and the pressing need to address complex geographical issues in our interconnected world (Career Explorer, n.d.). In his chapter in the Geographical Association (GA) Handbook of Secondary Geography, Professor Alastair Bonnett describes geography’s aim to study the world, both near and far, as being the most far-reaching and ambitious of any discipline. Geography as an academic discipline has faced dual challenges of fragmentation and visibility. The breadth of knowledge demands specialisation, creating sub-communities within departments. Geography struggles for visibility and credibility in academic life despite strengths in teaching and international research reputation. The discipline contends with outdated perceptions, impacting its representation in broader academic contexts (Johnston, 2003). For WCAs navigating this discipline, these challenges may be particularly pronounced, the struggle for visibility and credibility may intersect with issues of representation, as WCAs may find it challenging to overcome entrenched biases and stereotypes within the discipline. Despite these challenges, WCAs in Geography bring a unique perspective, informed by lived experiences, to address the discipline’s evolving landscape.

In all, 7% (n. 18) respondents reported that they were employed at a university within the discipline of Geography. The discipline’s interdisciplinary nature attracted some respondents (n.4) as they had the perception that this broad subject area could potentially open doors to diverse career opportunities. Respondents encountered financial challenges within this field. Connor, a Professor of Engineering Geology at a Russell Group institution, highlighted the significant financial investments required to gain entry to his primary field of Geology and the broader domain of Physical Geography.

[You] need to have wet weather gear…geological hammers…and boots and so on. [W]e certainly help with financial aid, by providing students some key equipment…its part of the fees, a welcome pack.

Connor observed that Geology and related fields often require other specialised equipment which can be costly. These expenses can create a barrier for students and academics without economic capital. For instance, WCAs may encounter several challenges such as the need for resources such as GIS and remote sensing, specialised equipment and databases. Since many Geography programmes entail fieldwork, this necessitates expenses related to travel and accommodation. As previously discussed in Chapters Three and Four, these costs are typically borne by the academics themselves and reimbursed at a later stage. However, WCAs may struggle to fund these activities, limiting their ability to conduct comprehensive research. Like many subjects, Geography relies on collaboration and networking to access research funding and job opportunities. Without access to these research funding or grants, WCAs may find it difficult to conduct research and publish their work. Notably, my respondents within the field of Geography were more inclined than those in other subject areas to report that mentorship programs were within their institutions. However, it’s important to acknowledge that these programmes were relatively new, and as such, there is limited academic evidence regarding their effectiveness.

Classical Studies

Classical Studies, one of academia’s oldest disciplines, is the study of ancient Greeks and Roman cultures, spanning language, literature, history, and artifacts. Classics is also included in the ‘soft pure’ disciplinary group. Classicists are typically required to demonstrate proficiency in ancient Greek and Latin languages as there is a strong emphasis on the reading and interpretation of original texts and other primary materials, such as classical literature, epic poetry, drama, philosophy, and prose. Additionally, the study of classical archaeology within Classical Studies involves excavations, artifact analysis, and the examination of material culture, reflecting a multidisciplinary approach that may require resources not equally accessible to working-class individuals. Classicists often draw inspiration from other disciplines like History, Philosophy, Art History, and Linguistics, contributing to a comprehensive understanding of the classical world. However, access to such interdisciplinary knowledge can be influenced by social class, as individuals from privileged backgrounds may have greater exposure to diverse educational resources. Furthermore, engaging with the philosophical ideas of ancient luminaries like Plato, Aristotle, and the Stoics constitutes a significant aspect of the Classics habitus, potentially creating disparities in familiarity and interpretation based on educational backgrounds and access to philosophical traditions.

The intersection of Classical Studies with social class is further manifested in the role of Classicists as educators. Many individuals in this field actively participate in teaching classical languages, literature, and culture across diverse educational levels (Whitmarsh, 2021). However, the accessibility of classical education can be influenced by social class, as individuals from more affluent backgrounds may have greater access to classical language instruction and related resources. This educational dimension introduces a socioeconomic element to the dissemination of classical knowledge, potentially contributing to disparities in exposure and engagement with the field based on varying socioeconomic backgrounds. Classics scholars are part of a global network of scholars who share a common interest in the ancient world. They participate in international conferences, collaborate on research projects, and maintain ongoing intellectual exchanges with colleagues from around the world. Again, these activities are made more difficult when an academic has varied access to economic, social, and cultural capital.

My respondents talked at length about the challenges they faced within the Classics field. Clare (2022), in his personal narrative of his trajectory from undergraduate to post-PhD researcher, found that while those without elite stores of economic, social, and cultural capital can face classism in any discipline, the inherent elitism within the classics and ancient history field adds an extra layer of difficulty for the working classes to succeed (p. 31). Classics is an elite subject, because, as observed by Simpson (2021), classical civilisation is scarcely taught in schools, let alone Latin and Greek. For the past three centuries, the Classical curriculum, traditionally associated with prestigious private schools, has granted privileged access to Oxbridge for the select few enrolled in these schools (Hall & Stead, 2020, p. 10; 24 cited in Perale, 2023, p. 26). Proficiency in Ancient Greek and Latin is crucial in the Classics, which poses difficulties for WCAs as some may not have had the opportunity, or feel they have the ability to study the subject (Perale, 2023). WCAs can also feel disempowered to either teach or conduct research in this field due to high levels of imposter syndrome (compared with other subject areas) and a lack of economic and cultural capital (Perale, 2023). The critical examination of primary materials, including ancient manuscripts and inscriptions, can be challenging for WCA who may have had limited access to these resources. Engaging in classical Archaeology, which often involves excavations and artifact analysis, can also require financial resources. The Classics involve a deep appreciation for Literature and Philosophy. While there is no inherent reason why WCAs cannot embrace these disciplines, their educational backgrounds may initially make them feel out of place within the Classics habitus. The Classics Survey exposed stark WCA underrepresentation with a ‘leaky pipeline’ through to the senior ranks. Recommendations included collect class and intersectional data; boost Classics in state schools; sustained outreach; remove cultural, financial barriers across careers (Canevaro et al., 2024).

In all, 2% (n. 6) respondents were in the field of Classics. The following quotes offer poignant insights into the challenges faced by WCAs striving to establish themselves in this elite discipline:

I think ultimately, because I do Philosophy and Eastern religions, I am forever learning Latin, Greek and Sanskrit terms and it can be difficult… So, what I tend to do then is I’ll go on Bugle put in how you say or how do you pronounce put in the word and I listen to it multiple times, so I can say it, and then it won’t look as bad in the lecture. [Kane, Lecturer in Eastern Religions at a traditional institution]

So I’m in Classics and ancient History…The problem with that is that they tell you, you can get along as an ancient Historian. You can’t. What you need is to learn the languages. You need Greek and Latin. The problem with that is that Greek and Latin are taught to very posh kids at very posh schools. I worked on an outreach project for two years here in Liverpool. And it was all about delivering Greek and Latin GCSEs. And it was only the posh schools that could afford it. I tried to change that around. But then I got a job taken off me and given back to a senior member of class as a member of staff, which is why I’m grubbing around for teaching work now. There’s a history of elitism in Classics and ancient History. [Samuel, Teacher in Classics & Ancient History at a Russell Group institution]

I don’t have a private education (obviously) so as an early modernist it’s easy to feel inadequate; people assume that everyone has Latin and probably a bit of Greek! I often see discussions on Twitter of how you can’t be a proper early modernist without those Classical languages. [Ruby, independent scholar¹⁰]

These quotes highlight the intersection of educational privilege, access to resources, and the impact of these factors on academic opportunities. In Kane’s narrative, the challenges of learning Latin and Greek were further exacerbated by his dyslexia – something that can impact on your experience no matter your social class. Patterson (2020) aptly observed that Latin is not a subject readily adaptable for those with learning disabilities. The second quote by Samuel addressed the issue of elitism in Classics and Ancient History. He expressed frustration with the inaccessibility of Greek and Latin education, particularly its concentration in independent schools. The lack of access to the Classics can be seen in the statistics for A-levels, where 76% of Latin and 92% of Greek candidates came from independent schools. In terms of university admissions, fewer than a quarter of Oxford classicists in 2019 came from state schools (Cunliffe, 2022). The reference to an outreach project highlighted that Samuel had attempted to address this imbalance. However, outreach and engagement programmes tend to be only available at universities that teach Classics-related subjects, so widening participation into the Classics from outside the institutions can be difficult. Ruby’s quotation highlighted how classical language proficiency is deeply embedded in the traditions and norms of this academic discipline, making it difficult for WCAs to break through these barriers. Collectively, these quotations illuminate the difficulties that WCAs without access to classical language education may face in academia.

Physics

The academic subject discipline of Physics is included in the hard pure disciplinary group. In the context of physics, Coughlan and Perryman (2011) describe a cumulative, atomistic structure that signifies the gradual accumulation of knowledge over time, emphasising fundamental components and addressing universal principles within the field. While the Social Sciences typically have qualitative approaches, Physics utilises quantitative reasoning by applying mathematical concepts to depict the world (White Brahmia, 2019). Academic communities in Physics are competitive yet sociable dynamic and multiple authorship are commonplace (Coughlan & Perryman, 2011). Within Physics there is a set of shared values, orientations, and attitudes, although individual variations exist. Physicists have an appreciation for empirical evidence and scientific rigour: Physicists value empirical evidence and scientific rigour. They are trained to design and conduct experiments, collect data, and interpret results in a systematic and objective manner (Rosen, 2009).

Like most academic disciplines, Physicists are trained to think critically and to approach problems with creativity and ingenuity. They are skilled at evaluating evidence, constructing arguments, and developing innovative solutions to scientific challenges. However, scepticism is instilled in the discipline as Physicists are trained to question assumptions, challenge existing theories, and rigorously test hypotheses (Rosen, 2009). Problem-solving is a central focus, with Physicists dissecting complex problems and devising systematic approaches for resolution. Given the long-term nature of Physics research, patience and persistence often become part of their habitus (Rosen, 2009). Elements of what eventually evolved into physics were primarily derived from the fields of astronomy, optics, and mechanics, methodologically unified through the study of geometry (Kisak, 2015). Physics may be challenging for WCAs as science capital is unevenly distributed across social groups, with a strong concentration among more privileged individuals (Archer et al., 2015).

In all, 2% (n. 4) respondents referred to being in the field of Physics. Elaine, a Teaching Associate in Science at a Russell Group institution, illuminates several important themes related to class, gender, networking, and mentorship in the academic field of physics:

It’s mainly…blokes…So, you’d go away to a lab somewhere. You must stay there, but then you’ll be going out at night and things for meals, they’ll be talking to each other about activities that you wouldn’t consider doing. So, then you can’t really join in in the conversation. You feel a bit left out because you haven’t got similar experiences to them. They build up these networks, and they…choose people who they get along with, similar sort of people to them. So, it’s hard and so when you’re looking to move on, they’ve already got their eye on someone who they’re going to employ. It’s hard to get someone to support you. To help you move on in Physics, you’ve got to have some sort of mentor to take you under their wing. Seems like it’s always somebody you already know who’s going to get the job. They’re already lined up sort of thing… So, it’s basically if you’re not like them, they don’t take you on. That’s how it feels.

Elaine highlighted the gender disparities within physics, particularly in male-dominated subfields like Nuclear Physics. Physics has one of the largest gender gaps in STEM according to an analysis of more than 36 million authors of academic papers over the last two decades (Holman et al., 2018). Written evidence to the UK Parliament by the Institute of Physics (IOP) (2022), on representation in the Physics sector, reported it also has a significant underrepresentation of people from disadvantaged backgrounds, disabled people, those who identify as LGBT+, and minority ethnic groups. Despite socioeconomic background not being a protected characteristic under the Equality Act 2010, the IOP collects data on its membership every four years in its anonymous member diversity survey. The IOP used the highest parental qualification as a proxy for the socioeconomic background of respondents. In 2015, 11% of respondents reported that their parents held no qualifications, this had dropped to 7% in 2019 (IOP, 2022, 2020). At present, the representation of women in the nuclear science workforce within member countries of the Nuclear Energy Agency (NEA) is at 20% (The National Nuclear Laboratory, 2023). There is no comparable data available on class diversity in nuclear science.

Going back to Elaine’s experience about being excluded from conversations about networking events, this is indicative of the challenges women often face in male-dominated STEM disciplines. She also highlighted the significance of networking in academic progress. The exclusionary nature of these groups, which often favour individuals with similar experiences, further perpetuated inequalities in the field. Elaine suggested that mentorship plays a crucial role in advancing one’s career in physics. However, she implied that these opportunities may be biased towards individuals who are already known to those in influential positions. This is similar to the findings by Friedman and Laurison (2019) who found that one of the key drivers of the class ceiling is sponsorship, i.e. where those further up the ladder coach newer entrants (p. 217). This too can disadvantage WCAs. When asked about the intersection of class and gender, Elaine implied that women in high positions in Physics may predominantly come from advantaged backgrounds, hinting at the interconnectedness of class and gender disparities in the field. While Elaine indicated that financial resources may not be a direct barrier, she acknowledged the competitive nature of securing funding in Physics, which can be challenging for WCAs. Her statement also emphasised how the lack of representation can profoundly impact an individual’s sense of belonging and career progression.