Migrations and Diasporas

Granting ‘sanctuary’ in the United States to those fleeing poverty and violence is rooted in a deep history of hospitality and compassion. As we are witnessing a rise in xenophobia accompanied by policies of exclusion, we also see a rising number of ‘sanctuary jurisdictions’ limiting their cooperation with immigration authorities that many communities consider are using extremely harsh and punitive measures to detain and deport irregular migrants. As this chapter will demonstrate, there has been a dramatic increase through ‘immigration federalism’ of the number of these jurisdictions in cities, states and municipalities since the first practices of ‘sanctuary’ in the 1980s as result of the waves of forced migration due to the civil wars in Central America. The author also proposes that those entities granting ‘sanctuary’ to irregular migrants should also apply practices of ‘compassionate migration’ as described in the chapter to expand their protections further and include them in their communities.

Migrant women face unique difficulties, such as labour discrimination, limited sexual and reproductive health (SRH) services, obstacles to family reunification, gender-based violence (GBV) and human trafficking. ¹ The European Commission's labour integration approach currently fails to account for these difficulties. Civil society organisations (CSOs) and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) attempt to fill these gaps but lack capacity and funding. The European Commission's current approach does not respect human dignity and impedes the migrant community's integration and inclusion. This chapter discusses sexual assault and gender-based violence, which may be disturbing to some readers.

This issue is relevant and important because migrant women comprise a large portion of the migrant population ² and are a vital part of the migrant community. The methodology used in this chapter is a human security framework with a people-centred approach to policy that empowers those impacted by it. Research for this chapter was conducted using news articles, academic articles, UN reports and publications. Based on this, the European Commission must take a holistic and binding approach that protects the rights and dignity of migrant women.

There are multiple approaches that the European Commission can take to incorporate human dignity into its policies towards women and migration, such as applying international conventions and implementing policies that account for migrant women. All approaches must be realistic and required of all member states.

Due to the armed conflict in Syria that commenced in 2011 and is still ongoing while writing this article, Armenia has experienced a massive inflow of Syrian-Armenian refugees. The state was not prepared to provide the appropriate legal and logistical assistance to manage such a large flow of refugees and returning Armenians. It was also ill-prepared to ensure their resettlement and proper integration into Armenia's society. As a result, in 2012, the government put forward immigration and resettlement policies specifically designed to deal with the Syrian-Armenians fleeing the Syrian conflict. This chapter aimed to capture the results from a conceptual framework we developed to document and assess the Syrian-Armenian integration experience. The framework is based on expert interviews, in-depth interviews and document analysis. Main findings: Syrian-Armenian refugees experience different challenges and choose different ways to overcome them. The older age group tends to experience increased difficulties in integrating into their host communities, while the younger generations adapt easier to their new environment. The younger generations are better equipped for social and economic changes and are less stuck in poverty. For Syrian-Armenian women, their new environment seems safer. Most feel at ease regarding public attitudes towards them and are, for the most, satisfied with their employment choices. Those with a high school education tend to seek lower paying jobs, and the outliers from the highest and lowest socioeconomic status tend to leave Armenia. Many return to Syria as the conflict winds down in certain areas or decide to travel to another country.

Presidential candidate Donald Trump ran for office promising a ‘total and complete shutdown’ of Muslims entering the United States. This essay, based on policy research, data analysis and interviews, provides extensive details of what became of that promise from legal, social and humanistic perspectives. Issued during his first week in office as US President, the ‘Muslim Ban’ Executive Order immediately produced chaos at airports globally, as US visas and ‘green cards’ suddenly became invalid for entry to the United States for persons travelling on the passports of seven Muslim majority countries. Over time, the Trump administration amended the Muslim Ban through new executive orders and proclamations that removed unlawful components, changed the countries affected, or altered the policy's justification. Although all these iterations faced legal challenges, a majority of the US Supreme Court ultimately acquiesced to President Trump and ruled in favour of the ban's legality. Throughout this period, the US immigration process rattled on like a machine, encouraging would-be (but banned) migrants to continue pursuing their paperwork and paying their fees, even though entry visas would prove unavailable. Waivers for family reunification were overwhelmingly denied at the consular level, and tens of thousands of otherwise eligible migrants lost substantial amounts of money in pursuit of the elusive visa. Protests erupted at US airports when the ban was initially implemented, revealing a political solidarity with Muslims rarely seen before. These events ended when enforcement of the ban was moved to remote locations, to US consulates abroad.

Uncontrollable movement of people across international borders is one of most pressing contemporary challenge encountered by nation-states. Their response to this challenge is often rooted on a reconceptualisation of (in)security from a state-centric to a non-state-centric one. This has been the case with Australia where insecurity from asylum seekers, or what is referred to as the ‘boat people’, dominating the country's discourse on protecting its borders. Such conceptions are rooted on historical anxieties from ‘foreigners’, resulting in exclusionary policies of ‘White Australia’ to recent assertions of exclusive sovereignty over the refugee intake. In this context, while reviewing government documents, reports and other secondary sources, the chapter examines Australia's policy towards asylum seekers domestically as well as at the regional level, while placing them within the broader debate between deterrence and human rights. The chapter is significant as it provides an important case study of the inherent contradictions that come into light in a nation-state's response towards refugees on the one hand and undocumented arrivals, in this case, the ‘boat people’ on the other. This chapter provides analytical support to the primary assertion that while Australia has been an active international player regarding refugee issues, there is bipartisan exclusivity and hard-handedness towards asylum seekers.

The United States is unique in how it imposes income taxation on their citizens living overseas, as if they lived in the United States. Neither US residents (regardless of citizenship) nor non-US citizens residing overseas are subjected to such a penalising system. The system is justified by the stigmatisation of overseas Americans as necessarily wealthy and whose purpose in living overseas is to avoid US taxation.

Because of penalising US taxation, overseas Americans struggle with ordinary activities required to sustain modern life. The activities include owning a home, holding a bank account, investing and planning for retirement, operating a business, holding certain jobs, and pursuing community service opportunities. The situation causes many to feel that they have no choice but to renounce US citizenship.

Ultimately, the question must be asked: Are Americans free to live outside the United States?

Various philosophers and thinkers have discussed the importance of thinking and philosophising about the concept of ‘place’. A necessary structure of human experience, place is vital to the very foundation of human experience. More than the geography or arrangement of places, place is a concept that moulds human experience and contributes to understanding oneself and the world. Place has also been used to explain political motivations and issues such as citizenship, diaspora and migration. Despite its importance, place has not been problematised enough and has been neglected in studies of intersectionality. For instance, the role and influence of place in a person's diversity wheel and the interlocking web of oppressive structures have been reduced to either racial, class or gender categories. As a result, current critical theories fall short in drawing up the effects of place on intersectionality. This chapter, therefore, proposes the need to develop a critical place theory. It highlights the role that place-aspects play in the oppression and marginalisation of individuals. Moreover, it also examines the relatively new concept of placism as an analytical framework that can be used to explain varying oppressive placial structures.

Agricultural production in Honduras was devastated by the impact of hurricanes Eta and Iota in November 2020, placing people depending on agriculture in a vulnerable and food insecure situation. In addition to the COVID-19 pandemic and the economic downturn in the country, these extreme events are forcing more people to leave and head to North America in migrant caravans. Over the last decades, Honduras has been impacted by severe climate change events, including droughts and extreme tropical storms. According to the Global Climate Risk Index (CRI), developed by Germanwatch (Eckstein et al., 2019), Honduras was the second most affected country by climate change over a period of 20 years, from 1998 to 2017. Extreme rainfall and tropical storms, droughts, variation in rainfall patterns, and soil loss make agriculture more difficult, thus placing low-income rural families at the edge of hunger and food insecurity. In terms of migration policy, much focus has been given to economic instability, weak governance, violence and crime as push factors for migration, but the effect of food insecurity and climate change impact is often overlooked in this narrative. Agricultural areas in Honduras, traditionally the backbone of food production, have been identified as climate out-migration hotspots. The purpose of this chapter is to examine the most relevant data to understand the interactions between climate change, food insecurity and the current migration crisis in Honduras.

Since the 1970s and 1980s, subsequent waves of so-called ‘new immigration’ have arrived in the United States and Europe. In the United States, this immigration started with the arrival of immigrants and asylum-seekers from Mexico, Central America and Asia. In Europe, the trend began with the influx of Turkish and Moroccan immigrants and continues today with the ongoing refugee crisis. Anti-immigrant politicians on both sides of the Atlantic have adopted exclusionary and often xenophobic rhetoric to further their policies, arguing that these new immigrants and their children cannot assimilate into Western society. A literature review reveals why the classical linear theory of second-generation assimilation is no longer relevant and proposes the contemporary segmented assimilation and comparative integration context theories developed by US and European researchers. A presentation of the findings of two state-of-the-art studies – the CILS project for the United States context and the TIES project for the European context – provides empirical evidence that, despite undeniable obstacles, the new second generation can assimilate into Western education systems and labour markets. Nonetheless, gaps in the existing literature also suggest the need for further research to create a more generalisable theory of second-generation assimilation before appropriate policy measures can be implemented.

Children of recent refugees and immigrants are the fastest growing student population in the US public education system. Thus, it is imperative to create research-based pedagogies that value linguistic diversity, provide academic and social–emotional support and embrace life experiences that are often vastly different from those of the teachers and typical students. The goal of this study was to examine the effects of an instructional model designed to address specific academic and social–emotional competencies of linguistically and culturally diverse students on the writing of eight and nine-year-old students (n = 10) enrolled in an afterschool programme serving students from refugee families. The model of explicit writing instruction implemented in the study included culturally responsive literature, mindfulness practices, and differentiation in teaching genre-specific text structure and academic vocabulary. Pre- and post-test personal essays were scored for holistic quality of writing and use of academic vocabulary. The findings indicate that explicit and differentiated instruction in both writing organisation and vocabulary use was effective in increasing the holistic quality of students' personal writing and their ability to integrate academic vocabulary appropriately and meaningfully in independent writing. Implications for culturally responsive instruction for refugee students are discussed.

Settlement services in Canada have only recently started offering support and programming for emotional wellness issues faced by newcomers to Canada (immigrants who have been in Canada for less than 5 years). Funding for such services has steadily increased over the past 5 years, particularly in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic. Greater investment in ensuring the emotional wellness of immigrants is spurring new settlement services and programming. These include a wide array of configurations and approaches across the different geographies of Canada. This is evidence that providing such services for newcomers is in the early stages of implementation, characterised by experimentation and precarity. Mental and emotional wellness programming is in contrast with more established services, such as those meant to provide language learning, where common assessment tools, measures of proficiency and progress are well established. With funding from the Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada (IRCC), this chapter features data from a 2-year project that examined emotional wellness services for immigrants offered in four cities in western Canada between 2018 and 2020. The study used surveys and interviews with clients and focus groups with front-line staff to understand client needs and discern the issues and impact of emotional wellness programming. Findings include apparent limitations in staff capacity and expertise to provide help when needed, the inappropriateness of service models meant for other contexts and complex funding requirements resulting in issues of access and the overall precarity of such programming.

This chapter examines changing attitudes towards exhibiting Chinese immigration in New Zealand. Drawing on archival research and qualitative interviews with subject experts and visitors, three museums are discussed: national narratives at the New Zealand Maritime Museum in Auckland and The Museum of New Zealand Te Papa Tongarewa in Wellington; and regional representations at the Toitū Otago Settlers Museum in Dunedin.

The exhibition analysis shows that multicultural narratives of tangata tiriti immigration including Chinese only became prevalent in the 1990s, when changing attitudes in society at large and progressive immigration legislation influenced strategies of display.

These modernised national narratives propagate a multicultural paradigm. However, exhibiting Chinese immigration history constitutes only a small part of the larger mission of national museums. Accordingly, narratives of Chinese immigration remain superficial, serving celebratory representations of ethnic communities, while racism and discrimination are an important, but not central aspect of these narratives.

At the regional level, Toitū re-invented itself into a social history museum with a more inclusive and reconciliatory agenda, with a redesign in 2013 subsuming Chinese immigration into an intercultural narrative, featuring alongside other minority groups with a focus on cultural contact and exchange.

Nevertheless, all three museums still rely on narratives based on minorities and majorities arranged around a stable hegemony. Consultation and cooperation with Māori also reveal the wish to be presented as first people, set apart from tangata tiriti. That way biculturalism seems to act as a dividing force spatially, but thematically both immigration histories are more and more intertwined.

In this chapter, we share narratives from our personal experiences with a shared focus on the relationships between personal identities and family language. The acquisition of a family language is said to be accompanied by a specific ‘intercultural burden’ (Kagan 2012), which is manifested at the intersection of different influences and psychological tensions. This psychosocial and cultural reality has the potential for the development of a true intercultural identity that brings together contradictions and conflicts of inherited cultural differences. Here, through a prism of three personal narratives, we create a series of questions and reflections in relation to the family language. The three voices are articulated through three auto-ethnographic accounts of individuals – two linguists and a theatre scholar who are both personally and professionally invested in the topic of post-migration. The common thread of the three narratives is the experience of Serbian as the first language. As an aspect of personal identity, the idealised concept of family language affects one's identity and makes a decisive impact on investment and potentially life-defining decisions.

This paper explores the experiences of Lebanese and Ukrainian diasporans on the Canadian island of Newfoundland by using the concepts of host-region and reflective domestic ethnicity. ¹ It is based on fieldwork among the descendants of Lebanese immigrants who settled at the turn of the twentieth century (Hirschfeld Shibley) and recent immigrants from Ukraine (Lesiv). Many studies of diasporas explore the notion of ethnicity. These explorations often take place in large and representative diasporic settings that, in turn, offer platforms for diverse public expressions of ethnic identities reinforced by vibrant diasporic institutions. Newfoundland is a comparatively small territory and has historically been an unpopular destination for immigrants. Furthermore, in Canada, the island is known for its distinct regional sense of identity. The generalised framework of ‘hostland’ frequently used to embrace entire countries or continents is unsuitable for the present study. Via a narrower regional prism, our findings show that, albeit for dissimilar reasons, Lebanese and Ukrainian diasporans engage with their ethnic heritages predominantly in domestic spheres. We explore domestic ethnicity formation processes focusing on select creative expressions, including material objects.

A focus on how visual cultures in domestic spaces influence older migrants' identification with the homeland has been noted in previous research, ¹ yet migrant youth have not typically been the sole subjects of investigation in this regard. This chapter seeks to fill this gap by offering insight into the practices of young Indian women in domestic spaces and how these practices influence their sense of belonging to India. This chapter highlights the practices of young Indian women living in Brisbane, Australia, through an exploration into how the young women recreate their histories and cultural attachments in domestic spaces. The research presented in this chapter illustrates the processes of emotional attachment for young migrants and how these processes demonstrate new ways of practising diaspora, including the use of the internet to learn about their cultural histories. With the use of PhotoVoice, where photographs were retrieved from mobile phones and the internet, the participants discussed their everyday lives relating to their emotional attachments to material objects in domestic spaces and the connection to their identities. This chapter's main argument is to highlight the need for researchers to avoid the tendency to place young migrants into the same diasporic categories as their parents and to recognise the diverse ways in which young migrants actively shape their own cultural attachments.

This chapter explores the dual, contentions spaces of consciousness the Rwandan diaspora communities navigate. First of which was created through the stories of trauma and displacement since the Rwandan genocide and is influenced by the current Rwandan government's control over narratives of identities and remembrance both socially and politically. The second originated from the younger generations' attempt to assimilate to the only country they have never lived in and personally known. In this second space, the younger generations were forced, consciously or unconsciously, to choose between their communities' attachment to the past or creating a new path or future. Most importantly, being in diaspora means accepting that the different generations will often remain at the periphery of the new country, like outsiders looking inward. This phenomenon of social exclusion is a result of different factors, such as social categorisation, collective trauma and the narratives of otherness, which shape the different generations' identity shifts and sense of belonging. Using a phenomenological research method, this study analysed how one event, the 1994 Rwandan genocide, changed the meaning of diaspora consciousness and divided the communities into social categories such as ‘victims’ and ‘perpetrators’. Using the experiences of Rwandan American diaspora communities, I explored the impact of the labels of ‘victim’ and ‘perpetrator’ and how they have not only created specific narratives around remembrance and accountability but also crystallised the normative ideas of who was harmed and who was responsible for inflicting that harm. This chapter analysed the Rwandan communities' social development and assimilation, their understanding of their pasts and their members' social and political engagements in addressing their roles in their communities and nations.