Real men don’t share (online): perceived neediness and the frequent-posting femininity stereotype

Abstract

Purpose

Research emphasizes the motivations underlying and potential harmful consequences of social media use, but there is little understanding of stigmas faced by individual social media users, particularly as they pertain to gender. The purpose of this study is to examine a unique stereotype related to men’s social media use.

Design/methodology/approach

Four experiments examine judgments of men based on how often they post on social media (frequently vs infrequently).

Findings

The authors find that posting frequently (vs infrequently) affects the perceived gender of men but not women. This frequent-posting femininity stereotype is explained by perceived neediness and holds regardless of whether posts are about others (vs the self) or whether posts are shared by influencers (vs ordinary users).

Research limitations/implications

Future research should examine other stereotypes of social media users – including those pertaining to gender – and ways to mitigate such negative attributions. Researchers should examine how the frequent-posting femininity stereotype and other social media use stereotypes affect social media consumption and consumer well-being.

Practical implications

Managers should adjust consumer engagement strategies and restructure platforms to address the unique stigmas facing different consumer groups.

Originality/value

Providing insights into the dark side of social media, the authors investigate a unique domain – stereotypes about individual social media users. The findings of this study uncover an emasculating stigma against men who post often on social media, which may discourage men from online participation.

Citation

Edelblum, A.B. and Warren, N.B. (2024), "Real men don’t share (online): perceived neediness and the frequent-posting femininity stereotype", European Journal of Marketing, Vol. 58 No. 2, pp. 572-589. https://doi.org/10.1108/EJM-12-2022-0883

Introduction

What do consumers signal about themselves when they post on social media? Across social media platforms and online networks, consumers are driven to share the very best of themselves – an idealized self-performance designed to showcase one’s success, power, beauty, worldliness and humor, among other characteristics (Constantz, 2022). From adventurous travels abroad to poolside glamor shots, social media posting behavior taps into the fundamental core of who consumers are and how they wish to be seen (Rogova and Matta, 2022). However, it is possible – and even likely – for these intended signals to go awry and make way for less desirable attributions (e.g. narcissism; Brailovskaia et al., 2019).

While prior accounts suggest diverse benefits and drawbacks of social media usage (Hugh et al., 2022; Hughes et al., 2019; Whiting and Williams, 2013), including insights pertaining to the unique position of social media influencers (Brooks et al., 2021; Drenten et al., 2020), relatively little is known about how ordinary consumers of digital platforms are evaluated by others. In response to calls for research on the dark side of social media (Baccarella et al., 2018) and gendered consumption prejudice (Rogova and Matta, 2022; Spielmann et al., 2021; Warren and Campbell, 2021; Zayer et al., 2020b), we uncover a novel association made about men [1] who post frequently online.

Namely, we theorize and demonstrate evidence of a frequent-posting femininity stereotype: All else being equal, men who post more often on social media are considered more feminine than those who seldom post. Because online posting is associated with attention-seeking (Panek et al., 2018), we posit that the frequent-posting femininity stereotype is explained by the poster’s perceived neediness (i.e. a desire for external validation), a trope that falls within the communal orientation of feminine gender performance (Eagly et al., 2020). Drawing on the theory of precarious manhood – the idea that idealized masculinity is difficult to attain and easy to lose (Vandello and Bosson, 2013) – we suggest that posting frequently online comes with a critical degree of embedded stigma and can change gender perceptions of men but not women.

We demonstrate evidence of this framework across four studies, including two pre-registered conceptual replications. In addition, we show that the frequent-posting femininity stereotype is robust when controlling for a number of confounds related to both the poster (e.g. posting platform of choice) and the person judging him (e.g. the judger’s age). Finally, we demonstrate that this stereotype remains intact even when the focal user posts about others (vs the self) or is a social media influencer (vs ordinary user), providing further empirical support for the prevalence of this core effect.

In turn, the current research makes significant contributions to our understanding of social media and modern masculinity and, in doing so, answers calls for research on intersections between gendered consumption, gendered presumption and the institutions that shape gender ideals (Coleman et al., 2021; Gurrieri et al., 2022; Steinfield et al., 2019; Zayer et al., 2020a). Specifically, by focusing on perceptions of individual online users, our work reveals unique gender-based stereotypes and enriches the conversation around social media consumption (Kedzior et al., 2016; Rabbanee et al., 2020; Whiting and Williams, 2013). We further contribute to the literature on gender-based consumption practices (Hein et al., 2016; Rogova and Matta, 2022; Zayer et al., 2020b) and stigmas (Coleman and Sredl, 2022; Drenten et al., 2022) by revealing a pervasive stereotype that affects perceptions of men who post on social media – with substantive implications for social media use. Our findings suggest a need for broader research on judgments made about social media users and ways that consumers and institutional actors may address any such stigmas.

Conceptual development

Gender, consumption and stigma

Gender research emphasizes the role of society in shaping prescriptive gender beliefs and ideals. For instance, seminal work by Butler (1993) argues that societal norms create standards of appropriateness for how men and women are expected to think, feel and behave. Such norms limit gender expression by encouraging certain behaviors and suppressing others (Borgerson, 2005). Markets reinforce these standards and provide materials that consumers use to construct and perform their gender identities (Butler, 1993, p. 95; Zayer et al., 2012). These prescribed gender roles are often internalized and tend to result in a spontaneous drawing of social comparisons. For example, both male and female consumers evaluate themselves negatively when exposed to ads featuring idealized versions of masculinity and femininity, respectively (Gulas and McKeage, 2000; Otnes and Tuncay Zayer, 2012; Richins, 1991). In addition, consumers who diverge from prescribed gender roles can face harsh stigma from others. Indeed, recent research has highlighted the negative social judgments faced by female gamers (Drenten et al., 2022), female athletes (Thompson and Üstüner, 2015) and stay-at-home dads (Coskuner-Balli and Thompson, 2013; Moisio et al., 2013), all of whom partake in activities and occupations seen as in misalignment with expected gender performance.

Yet, the impact of gender stereotypes and discrimination on men is often overlooked (Zayer and Coleman, 2015). Nevertheless, existent research demonstrates that men internalize gendered consumption expectations (Otnes and Tuncay Zayer, 2012), and these norms shape the products they buy (Brough et al., 2016; Spielmann et al., 2021) and influence how they evaluate the gender appropriateness of seemingly non-gendered behaviors (e.g. sleep; Warren and Campbell, 2021). A common theme suggested by this work is that men are expected to perform masculinity – and are often rewarded for doing so – despite the fact that many traditionally masculine-coded behaviors (e.g. ruggedness, stoicism, independence and aggression) pose harm to the self and others (Hill et al., 2020; Luna-Cortes and Cuellar, 2022). Still, the imposed expectation for men to avoid feminine behaviors is pervasive, as acting outside the masculine norm carries substantial threat of stigma and ostracization (Brough et al., 2016; Courtenay, 2000).

We examine how these complex social dynamics impact a novel domain: social media. Interestingly, research on digital platforms has only sparsely examined how ordinary social media users are seen by others (Valsesia and Diehl, 2021) – and has not at all considered evaluations of male users, who may be stigmatized differently than women (Vandello and Bosson, 2013). In the sections that follow, we outline a conceptual framework proposing that consumers who frequently (vs rarely) post on social media are evaluated as needier, and this judgment affects subsequent gender perceptions of men but not women (i.e. post frequency has a uniquely feminizing effect on judgments of men).

Social media posting and perceived neediness

Posting is a primary means by which consumers actively engage on various online platforms (Kedzior et al., 2016; Whiting and Williams, 2013). Social media users share information across these many digital apps. To receive a number of unique gratifications, including feelings of authenticity (Kedzior et al., 2016), social connectedness (Rabbanee et al., 2020), social influence (Brooks et al., 2021; Cheng et al., 2023) and knowledge transfer (Whiting and Williams, 2013).

However, extant research has also described a variety of problematic associations related to posting. For instance, scholars have identified that frequent online sharing relates positively to narcissism (Brailovskaia et al., 2019) and negatively to psychological well-being (Ponnusamy et al., 2020). Further, and more critical to the current research, consumers tend to ascribe unfavorable motives to those who post regularly on social media, often associating such behavior with self-serving, ego-driven attempts to receive positive validation and affirmation (Brailovskaia et al., 2019; Sorokowski et al., 2015). For instance, the term “sadfishing” pejoratively describes the act of sharing emotional content to attract attention (Hand, 2019). Further, a wealth of literature has described the selfie-posting phenomenon as an aestheticized practice rooted both in vanity (Halpern et al., 2016) and a desire to garner praise (Drenten et al., 2020).

We, therefore, suggest that implicit in observations of social media users’ frequent-posting behavior is a fundamental attribution of neediness – consumers judge frequent (vs infrequent) posters as in need of more approval, validation and attention. In the following section, we detail the ways in which this belief may trigger perceptions of femininity.

Neediness as a stigmatized trope of feminine gender performance

Though there is a great deal of variation in expressions of masculinity and femininity, the former is generally associated with agentic characteristics (e.g. independence) and the latter with communal characteristics (e.g. interdependence; Eagly et al., 2020; Wood and Eagly, 2002). Critical to the current research, posting on social media is often described as a communally oriented behavior motivated chiefly by a drive to share with others (Belk, 2013; John, 2013). Thus, we suggest posting may be perceived as reflecting characteristics associated with conventional social constructions of femininity, such as interdependence and neediness. Notably, interdependence carries both positive and negative associations (e.g. cooperation and overreliance), while neediness carries generally negative associations (Eagly et al., 2020; Vandello and Bosson, 2013). As referenced prior, social media posting is often motivated by a desire for attention and praise (Brooks et al., 2021; Drenten et al., 2020). This suggests that frequent posters should be evaluated as more in need of social approval (i.e. needier) than those who seldom post.

In turn, we reason that if frequent social media posting behavior signals a sense of neediness – and this is coded implicitly as feminine – such a gender-related judgment should carry over to the man posting. Thus, we hypothesize the following:

H1.

Men who post frequently (vs infrequently) on social media will be evaluated as more feminine.

H2.

Men who post frequently (vs infrequently) on social media will be evaluated as needier, and neediness will mediate the effect of post frequency on femininity.

Precarious manhood: Femininity is stigmatized for men

We further predict that the effect of post frequency on perceptions of neediness and gender performance will relate specifically to men and not women. Why? The theory of precarious manhood suggests that masculinity is a restrictive and fraught identity that requires perpetual social proof and validation (Vandello and Bosson, 2013; Vandello et al., 2008). Indeed, the precarious nature of manhood has been demonstrated to affect consumption decisions. For instance, men have been shown to avoid feminine brands, while women tend to embrace brands regardless of existing gender associations (Spielmann et al., 2021).

The fragility of manhood is also exemplified in everyday linguistic choices. For instance, Vandello and Bosson (2013) note that:

We ask whether men have become ‘too soft,’ we implore them to ‘man up’ in the face of difficulties, and we question whether someone is ‘man enough’ for the job.

Conversely, phrases challenging women’s status as women such as “woman up” or “woman enough” are less common (Vandello and Bosson, 2013). As a result, it has been suggested that there are “many ways to be a girl but only one way to be a boy” (Miller, 2018). Consequently, men tend to be disproportionately ostracized and emasculated for deviating from prescriptive gender norms (Vandello and Bosson, 2013).

In turn, we suggest that social media post frequency is not only feminized but more broadly represents a stigmatized behavior among men. This is because the concept of neediness is often weaponized to demean others seen as shameful and weak (Thomas et al., 2020). Such attributions may further reinforce a cycle in which a feminized trope – neediness – is ascribed a degree of widespread social denigration. Messages continue to proliferate in modern consumer life that men should be stoic and self-sufficient (Åkestam et al., 2021; Östberg, 2019; Zayer et al., 2020b), yet frequent social media posting signals the opposite. Thus, we contend that frequent posting by men is denounced as an indicator of powerlessness, fragility, and femininity (Kierski and Blazina, 2010; Vandello and Bosson, 2013; Vandello et al., 2008).

Given the narrow, precarious nature of masculinity (vs femininity), we suggest that the neediness ascribed to those who post frequently on social media will affect gender perceptions of men but not women. Stated differently, post frequency will be evaluated as similarly needy regardless of the poster’s gender but will only affect subsequent ratings of femininity for men:

H3.

Poster gender will moderate the effect of neediness on femininity, such that the perceived neediness associated with frequent social media posting will increase subsequent femininity ratings of men but not women.

Potential stigma-breakers

What factors might mitigate the frequent-posting femininity stereotype? We investigate two possibilities – the focus of the post (self vs others) and the status of the poster (ordinary user vs influencer) – both of which might reasonably dampen perceptions of neediness.

Regarding post focus, research suggests that the association between post frequency and narcissism strengthens among those who share more online about themselves than about others (Panek et al., 2018). Further, posts about the self (e.g. “selfies”) can appear ego-driven and, thus, magnify a signaled need for personal validation (Lim, 2016). By contrast, we suggest that men who post frequently about others will appear less needy, because their posts are not explicitly about themselves:

H4.

Post focus will moderate the effect of post frequency on neediness, such that frequent-posting men who post about others (vs themselves) will be evaluated as less needy and, thus, less feminine.

Next, we interrogate the relative status of the poster. When so-called “ordinary” users share information on social media, their potential rewards are typically limited to attention from and connection with those in their existing networks (McCain and Campbell, 2018; O'Sullivan and Richardson, 2020). In contrast, social media “influencers” are often incentivized to post for prospects of financial gain (Hugh et al., 2022) and tend not to engage as much with their followers (Lanz et al., 2019). More broadly, influencers already receive a great deal of attention and, therefore, have less need for more. Thus, we posit that among frequent-posting men, ordinary social media users will be evaluated as needier and more feminine than influencers:

H5.

Poster status will moderate the effect of post frequency on neediness, such that frequent-posting men described as influencers (vs ordinary) will be evaluated as less needy and, thus, less feminine.

Overview of empirical framework and studies

Four studies demonstrate that men described as posting frequently (vs infrequently) on social media are evaluated as more feminine (studies 1–3B; Figure 1). We provide evidence of mediation by perceived neediness (studies 2–3B), as well as indicate via moderation that such neediness affects subsequent gender perceptions of men but not women (study 2). In addition, our results hold when controlling for inferred characteristics of the focal poster, such as age and posting platform, and a variety of participant-related confounds, such as gender and social media use.

Notably, we predicted that the focus of the social media user’s posts (self- vs other-focused; H4) and the status of the poster (ordinary vs influencer; H₅) would serve as stigma-breakers, mitigating the perceptions of neediness and femininity associated with men’s frequent social media posting behavior. However, rather than observe these hypothesized moderation effects, studies 3A and 3B show that our overall mediation process remained unchanged regardless of these factors. We believe this speaks to the pervasiveness of the frequent-posting femininity stereotype (i.e. it is difficult to break) and consider implications for future research in the general discussion.

Study 1

Study 1 establishes a main effect of post frequency on the perceived gender of men who post on social media. More specifically, study 1 demonstrates that men are emasculated when described as frequently (vs infrequently) posting on social media. We assess this stereotype by presenting participants with a description of a hypothetical man who posts often or rarely across various platforms, then gauging subsequent inferences about the poster on the basis of this information. We probe the robustness of our effect in a number of ways. First, we assess the extent to which perceptions of femininity are driven by other inferences about the focal poster (i.e. his age, level of education and wealth). Second, we use participants’ personal demographic characteristics to control for the role of such traits in judgments and perceptions of gender performance. Finally, we measure participants’ personal social media behavior to account for the possibility that consumers simply evaluate others’ posting activity in relation to their own.

Method

In all, 164 participants (47.6% women and 3.0% ND [2]; M_Age = 39.1) completed this study on Prolific [3]. The study had a two-cell design, with post frequency (frequently vs infrequently) manipulated as a between-subjects factor.

In the frequently posts (infrequently posts) condition, participants were asked to “evaluate a normal, average, ordinary man who frequently (infrequently) posts on social media” (Figure 2). To control for any motivational inferences made about the focal user’s posting behavior, we noted that the man shares on his personal accounts for fun (i.e. not for work-related reasons). Further, we highlighted the everyday nature of the user by noting that he follows more accounts than follow him, and that all his followers are those he has met in real life. Following the “Directed Describing” method (Warren and Campbell, 2021), participants provided the focal poster a name, and this was piped into subsequent questions describing the focal poster. As a manipulation check, all studies asked participants to rate how often the focal user posts on social media [4]. The frequently (vs infrequently) posting character was always rated as posting more often, ps < 0.001 (see the web appendix for additional details on manipulation checks, measures and supplementary analyses for all studies).

Next, participants rated gender perceptions (i.e. femininity) of the focal poster. We operationalized this as the mean of two items measuring the extent to which the poster was perceived as “feminine” and “masculine,” with the latter reverse-coded (r = 0.59 and p < 0.001).

Finally, we collected control measures. Participants estimated the poster’s age (open-ended) as well as his education level and wealth. They then indicated their own social media use (scrolling and posting), then provided their gender, age and political ideology.

Results

In support of H1, participants rated the frequent-posting man as significantly more feminine (M_Freq = 3.27 and SD_Freq = 1.11) than the infrequent-posting man (M_Infreq = 2.89 and SD_Infreq = 0.95) [t(162) = 2.34 and p = 0.02]. Importantly, this result remained robust to the inclusion of various covariates, including inferences of the focal poster’s age, education and wealth, as well as demographic and lifestyle characteristics of the participant (i.e. age, gender, political beliefs and social media habits) [F(1, 131) = 6.13 and p = 0.015]. The inclusion of these covariates did not qualitatively change the interpretation of results for any studies.

Discussion

Study 1 revealed initial evidence of a frequent-posting femininity stereotype (H1). This effect appears robust to a range of plausible confounds; men described as posting frequently (vs infrequently) were evaluated as more feminine even after controlling for the poster’s inferred age, education and wealth, as well as the participant’s own age, gender, political beliefs and social media use. In the following study, we examine the moderating role of poster gender and uncover process evidence for neediness as the mechanism explaining the positive relationship between post frequency and perceived femininity.

Study 2

Study 2 had two goals. First, we sought to examine neediness as the mechanism explaining why frequent posters are evaluated as more feminine (H2). Second, we assessed the moderating role of poster gender (H3). Though we predict that frequent social media posting activity will be evaluated as similarly needy across genders, we contend that such neediness will only affect subsequent gender perceptions of male (vs female) posters.

Method

Prolific participants (N = 400, 50.5% women, 0.5% ND and M_Age = 36.2) completed a 2 (post frequency: frequently vs infrequently) × 2 (poster gender: man vs woman) between-subjects experiment. Study 2 used the same post frequency manipulation as in study 1 but additionally manipulated the gender of the focal poster as either a man or woman (Figure 2). Participants rated the poster’s femininity using the same measures as in study 1 (r = 0.822 and p < 0.001). Next, participants rated the neediness of the focal poster, which we operationalized as the mean of two items asking participants how “needy” and “independent” (reverse-coded) they considered the poster (r = 0.488 and p < 0.001). Finally, similar to study 1, participants answered additional questions about the focal poster and their personal demographics.

Results

We used PROCESS model 14 (Hayes, 2018) to test the hypothesized pattern of moderated mediation. We entered post frequency as the independent variable, neediness the mediator, poster gender the b path moderator and femininity the dependent variable. As expected, the frequent-posting social media user was evaluated as significantly needier than the infrequent-posting user regardless of poster gender [b = 1.06, SE = 0.11, t(397) = 9.79, p < 0.001 and (0.85, 1.27)].

Further, as hypothesized, the effect of neediness on subsequent perceptions of femininity depended on the poster’s gender. Results revealed a significant index of moderated mediation (b = 0.30 and [0.10, 0.51]) such that the effect of post frequency on femininity was mediated by perceived neediness – but only when the social media user was a man. Probing this finding, and in support of H2 and H3, there was a significant conditional indirect effect of neediness in the man poster condition (b = 0.17, SE = 0.07 and [0.03, 0.32]) but not in the woman poster condition (b = −0.12, SE = 0.08 and [−0.29, 0.02]). See Figure 3 for process results and Figure 4 for conditional means.

Discussion

Study 2 reveals that the effect of post frequency on gender perceptions is mediated by neediness and moderated by poster gender. While both men and women posters were considered needy, these ratings only affected subsequent gender perceptions when the poster was a man. Altogether, the evidence gathered thus far suggests a robust stereotype motivated by the precarious nature of masculinity. But will these beliefs always hold? Together, pre-registered studies 3A and 3B were conducted to provide further confirmation of our primary hypothesis (Simmons et al., 2021) and examine two plausible ways to mitigate the frequent-posting femininity stereotype.

Studies 3A and 3B

Studies 3A (see pre-registration; also in Web appendix) and 3B (see pre-registration) assess two potential “stigma-breakers” – factors that serve to dampen perceptions of femininity associated with frequent social media posting behavior. Respectively, the studies examine the possible role of post focus (self vs other) and poster status (influencer vs ordinary) as moderators of the effect of post frequency on perceived neediness. Studies 3A and 3B also serve as replications for our basic mediation framework (i.e. post frequency → neediness → femininity). Finally, studies 3A and 3B examine participants in the UK as compared to the American samples in studies 1 and 2. This extends the generalizability of our findings to a small degree, as there are distinct masculinity ideals in these two cultures (Horlacher and Floyd, 2017; Kilkey et al., 2013).

Study 3A: Method

Prolific participants completed a 2 (post frequency: frequently vs infrequently) × 2 (post focus: self vs other) between-subjects design (N = 396, 49.5% women, 0.5% ND and M_Age = 39.7). The post frequency manipulation was identical to studies 1 and 2. Post focus was manipulated by describing the focal user’s posts as either about “himself and the things he is doing” (self-focused) or “other people, events, and places” (other-focused; Figure 5).

Participants rated the neediness of the user with the same measure as study 2. To confirm the reliability of the neediness measure, we included three additional items (α = 0.87) adapted from Rude and Burnham (1995), which were highly reliable with our two-item measure (α = 0.88). The results of studies 3A and 3B were qualitatively unchanged when using either operationalization; thus, for clarity of reporting, we use the same two-item neediness measure from study 2 for all subsequent analyses. In addition to the control measures from previous studies, participants indicated which online platform they believe the focal social media user most often uses (e.g. Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, TikTok, etc.). Including favored platform as a covariate did not alter the results in either study.

Study 3A: Results

A 2 (post frequency) × 2 (post focus) ANOVA revealed significant effects of post frequency on femininity and neediness (ps < 0.001). However, neither the main effect of post focus nor the post frequency × post focus interactions on femininity or neediness were significant (ps > 0.09). More importantly, the predicted simple effects within the frequent-posting condition on femininity and neediness were statistically insignificant (ps > 0.43). As a result, we did not find evidence that posting about others (vs the self) mitigates the effect of post frequency on femininity or neediness (H4). In turn, we collapsed across post focus conditions to more explicitly consider the effect of post frequency.

In support of H1, the frequent-posting man was evaluated as more feminine (M_Freq = 3.58 and SD_Freq = 1.17) than the infrequent-posting man (M_Infreq = 3.07 and SD_Freq = 1.05) [t(394) = 5.13 and p < 0.001]. The frequent-posting man was also evaluated as needier (M_Freq = 4.14 and SD_Infreq = 1.29) than the infrequent-posting man (M_Infreq = 2.32 and SD_Infreq = 0.91) [t(394) = 16.23 and p < 0.001]. Mediation analysis using PROCESS model 4 revealed that neediness fully mediated the effect of post frequency on perceived femininity (b = 0.40 and [0.22, 0.59]), thus providing further support for H2.

Study 3B: Method

Study 3B was identical to study 3A with one exception: It manipulated poster status (ordinary vs influencer) rather than post focus. Specifically, the poster was described as either an “ordinary man” or a “social media influencer” (Figure 5). In all, 402 Prolific participants completed this study (49.8% women, 0.5% ND and M_Age = 38.4).

Study 3B: Results

A 2 (post frequency) × 2 (poster status) ANOVA revealed significant main effects of post frequency on femininity and neediness (ps < 0.001) but statistically insignificant higher-order interactions (ps > 0.12). The predicted simple effects within the frequent-posting condition on femininity and neediness were also insignificant (ps > 0.66). As a result, we did not find evidence that being an influencer (vs ordinary user) mitigates the effect of post frequency on femininity or neediness (H5). In turn, we collapsed across poster status conditions to more explicitly consider the effect of post frequency.

In support of H1, the frequent-posting man was evaluated as more feminine (M_Freq = 3.55 and SD_Freq = 1.08) than the infrequent-posting man (M_Infreq = 3.28 and SD_Infreq = 0.98) [t(400) = 2.64 and p = 0.009]. The frequent-posting man was also evaluated as needier (M_Freq = 4.22 and SD_Freq = 1.18) than the infrequent-posting man (M_Infreq = 2.37 and SD_Freq = 0.97) [t(400) = 17.16 and p < 0.001]. Mediation analysis using PROCESS model 4 revealed that neediness fully mediated the effect of post frequency on perceived femininity (b = 0.44 and [0.26, 0.65]), thus providing further support of H2.

Studies 3A and 3B: Discussion

In contradiction to H4 and H5, studies 3A and 3B found no evidence to suggest that post focus or poster status mitigates the perceived neediness and femininity of frequent-posting men. Rather, these two pre-registered studies demonstrated that men who post frequently are evaluated as needier and more feminine than men who post infrequently, regardless of whether they post about themselves or others (study 3A) – or are influencers or ordinary social media users (study 3B). The subsequent discussion considers why the frequent-posting femininity stereotype may persist despite these potential stigma-breakers.

General discussion

The current research reveals a novel stereotype about social media users and, consequently, suggests avenues for further research on gendered consumption practices and judgments about online consumers. All else being equal, men described as frequent social media posters are evaluated as more feminine than infrequent posters. This prejudicial attitude stems from perceived neediness and impacts subsequent gender perceptions of men but not women. Critically, this stereotype holds when controlling for several relevant confounds, including characteristics ascribed to the focal poster as well as participants’ personal social media use and demographics.

Counter to our stigma-breaker moderation hypotheses (H4 and H5), the frequent-posting femininity stereotype remained surprisingly unchanged when manipulating two theoretically plausible stigma-breaking moderators – post focus (i.e. posting about others vs the self) and poster status (i.e. posts from influencers vs ordinary users). We suggest it is possible that other-focused posts did not mitigate the frequent-posting femininity stereotype because such posts are seen as “virtue signals,” resulting in posters being evaluated as in need of validation of their moral character (Wallace et al., 2020). Further, we unexpectedly found that influencers’ (vs ordinary users’) relative status exacerbated rather than offset perceptions of neediness. This aligns with recent coverage that influencers may not be as admired as press accounts suggest (Constantz, 2022). In sum, we submit that the frequent-posting femininity stereotype affects a broad swath of male users regardless of their status and about whom they post.

Theoretical contributions

We contribute to research on social media consumption by putting focus on associations made about consumers’ social media posting behavior. Past work has interrogated user motivations for posting (Rogova and Matta, 2022) – particularly among influencers (Brooks et al., 2021; Drenten et al., 2020) – as well as the benefits and consequences of social media use (Ponnusamy et al., 2020; Whiting and Williams, 2013). For example, extant findings suggest that narcissists are more likely to engage in online posting behavior (McCain and Campbell, 2018), and influencers are more credible endorsers when they are seen as attractive and authentic (Hugh et al., 2022; Rohde and Mau, 2021). We adopt a novel perspective by examining evaluations of ordinary social media users and, in doing so, reveal that men are stigmatized as more feminine when they post frequently (vs infrequently) on social media.

By revealing a stereotype against men based on their social media activity, we contribute to research on gendered consumption (Hein et al., 2016; Zayer et al., 2020b), masculinity (Vandello and Bosson, 2013) and gendered stereotype threat (Drenten et al., 2022; Luna-Cortes and Cuellar, 2022; Warren and Campbell, 2021). Past research suggests that narrow cultural conceptions of masculinity force men to choose between doing what is considered manly and what they may prefer (Vandello and Bosson, 2013). For example, the stigmas associated with gendered consumption stereotypes may lead men to avoid certain foods and brands (Luna-Cortes and Cuellar, 2022; Spielmann et al., 2021), pollute (Brough et al., 2016) and engage in unhealthy behaviors (Warren and Campbell, 2021). We establish that gendered consumption stereotypes apply to social media as well, with particularly fraught implications for male users.

The frequent-posting femininity stereotype further contributes to a growing field of research examining the role of gender performance on digital consumption (Kondakciu et al., 2022; Rogova and Matta, 2022). For instance, past work has suggested that social media is a highly sexualized environment for female influencers (Drenten et al., 2020), that ordinary users attempt to use social media to “authentically” perform and present gender (Kondakciu et al., 2022) and that men carve out exclusionary boundaries of dominance in certain online domains (e.g. gaming; Drenten et al., 2022). We add to this conversation by revealing a pervasive stereotype about male consumers in more general social media environments.

Practical implications and directions for future research

The frequent-posting femininity stereotype suggests important implications for firms and leaves open many avenues for future research. First, we find that frequent-posting men and women are both evaluated as needy, though such attributions only affect subsequent gender perceptions of men. This suggests a need to further examine negative perceptions of social media users, to identify when social media users are positively evaluated and to understand how specific groups of consumers may be uniquely affected by different stereotypes.

Relatedly, our research revealed a broad stereotype held against heteronormative conceptions of masculinity and, thus, did not examine more nuanced gender constructions. This suggests a need for additional work examining judgments of social media use both between and within various gender subcultures (e.g. by class, sexuality, etc.). Along these lines, future research should also examine whether the frequent-posting femininity stereotype extends to cultures beyond the USA and the UK. It is likely that the rigidity of a culture’s gender norms (Brandt, 2011) or the value it places on interdependence (vs independence; Markus and Kitayama, 1991) affects the strength of this prejudicial attitude.

Next, researchers should examine how user-directed judgments, such as the frequent-posting femininity stereotype, affect important downstream consequences. For instance, is it possible that this prejudice causes men to share less across online platforms? Secondary data indicate that women (vs men) are more likely to use and spend time on social media (Neilsen, 2014; Pew Research Center, 2021). Scholars may investigate whether these passive-use trends translate to active engagement behaviors (e.g. posting), as well as the role of the frequent-posting femininity stereotype in this process.

Extending this, if stereotypes affect social media consumption behavior, then how might these prejudicial attitudes subsequently affect consumer welfare or business outcomes? For example, if posting on social media provides social connectedness (Rabbanee et al., 2020), then might the frequent-posting femininity stereotype adversely affect men’s mental health by making them feel self-conscious about joining certain online conversations? Understanding how organizations can use social media to improve men’s user experiences could be particularly important in light of men’s increasing struggles with social and economic isolation, as well as the psychological consequences of these feelings of loneliness (Farrell and Gray, 2018; Wu, 2022).

Relatedly, it is imperative for researchers, firms and consumer advocates to identify and provide consumers with opportunities to engage with social media without being stigmatized. Despite two studies with theoretically plausible moderators (i.e. post focus and poster status), we were unable to mitigate the frequent-posting femininity stereotype. Alternative stigma-breakers may be found at the individual level. For example, men who post for work (i.e. an ostensibly compulsory act) may appear less needy than those who post for personal reasons (i.e. an ostensibly volitional act). We further believe that valuable insights may come from in-depth examinations of the strategies used by consumers who challenge these stereotypes. For instance, one recent stream of research has examined the way people use social media to push back against existing gender-related stigmas (Zayer et al., 2019). For example, women have adopted social media to fight against the taboo nature of menstruation and reshape cultural narratives around labels such as feminism (Coleman and Sredl, 2022). How and when might men combat negative stereotypes about their online posting behavior?

In addition, the affordances of social media outlets themselves may provide opportunities to address stereotypes and improve user experiences, though different platforms will likely embrace these goals to varying degrees. While we controlled for potential platform effects in our empirical tests, we did not explicitly measure or tease out differences between individual social media platforms. Is it possible, for example, that the practice of posting is viewed as uniquely attention-seeking on public-facing platforms like Instagram versus private-facing platforms like Snapchat? Future research may investigate the extent to which different social media apps result in disparate user judgments via posting. Relatedly, platforms like BeReal build participatory communities in which users contribute through shared experiences, such as simultaneously posting when notified to do so. Might these conditions cause posters to come across as team players rather than needy self-advertisers? If so, then firms and consumers may adopt strategies that diminish associations of neediness by routinizing posting behavior through ritualization (Sherry et al., 2013) or restructuring the “space” of digital platforms to focus on empowering subcultural communities (Maciel and Wallendorf, 2021; Scaraboto and Fischer, 2013).

Overall, the current research represents a promising agenda for continued work on the multifaceted nature of prejudices affecting consumers engaged in today’s complex social media ecosystem. We suggest that it is important for researchers to further examine stigmas and stereotypes about different social media user groups – and for firms to recognize these prejudicial attitudes and adapt their platforms and engagement strategies accordingly.

Figures

Figure 1.

Conceptual framework, hypotheses and results

Figure 2.

Manipulations: Studies 1 and 2

Figure 3.

Moderated mediation results

Figure 4.

Effects of post frequency on perceived neediness and femininity

Figure 5.

Manipulations: Studies 3A and 3B

Notes

1. Note that in the current paper, we use gender-signifying terms including man, male, woman and female to denote the sociocultural elements of gender performance (i.e. which may or may not be related to biological sex).

2. ND = Not Disclosed. Participant’s self-identified gender is “other/prefer not to say.”

3. In this study, we initially recruited 200 participants. However, a coding error in the survey flow resulted in 36 participants not completing the perceived gender measures. We eliminated those participants from analysis. In addition, we retained 32 participants who completed the perceived gender measures but did not complete control measures indicating the poster’s age, education and wealth.

4. Unless otherwise noted, all items were measured using seven-point scales.

Supplementary material

The supplementary material for this article can be found online.